As they slowly hack democracy to death, we’re
as alone — we citizens — as we’ve ever been, protected only by the
dust-covered clichés of the nation’s founding: “Eternal vigilance is the
price of liberty.”
It’s time to blow off the dust and start paying the price.
The media are not on our side. The politicians are not on our side. It’s
just us, connecting the dots, fitting the fragments together, crunching the
numbers, wanting to know why there were so many irregularities in the last
election and why these glitches and dirty tricks and wacko numbers had not
just an anti-Kerry but a racist tinge. This is not about partisan politics.
It’s more like: “Oh no, this can’t be true.”
I just got back from what was officially called the National Election
Reform Conference, in Nashville, Tenn., an extraordinary pulling together of
disparate voting-rights activists — 30 states were represented, 15 red and
15 blue — sponsored by a Nashville group called Gathering To Save Our
Democracy. It had the feel of 1775: citizen patriots taking matters into
their own hands to reclaim the republic. This was the level of its urgency.
Was the election of 2004 stolen? Thus is the question framed by those who
don’t want to know the answer. Anyone who says yes is immediately a
conspiracy nut, and the listener’s eyeballs roll. So let’s not ask that
question.
Let’s simply ask why the lines were so long and the voting machines so
few in Columbus and Cleveland and inner-city and college precincts across
the country, especially in the swing states, causing an estimated one-third
of the voters in these precincts to drop out of line without casting a
ballot; why so many otherwise Democratic ballots, thousands and thousands in
Ohio alone, but by no means only in Ohio, recorded no vote for president (as
though people with no opinion on the presidential race waited in line for
three or six or eight hours out of a fervor to have their say in the race
for county commissioner); and why virtually every voter complaint about
electronic voting machine malfunction indicated an unauthorized vote switch
from Kerry to Bush.
This, mind you, is just for starters. We might also ask why so many
Ph.D.-level mathematicians and computer programmers and other numbers-savvy
scientists are saying that the numbers don’t make sense (see, for instance,
www.northnet.org/minstrel, the Web site of Dr. Richard Hayes Phillips, lead
statistician in the Moss v. Bush lawsuit challenging the Ohio election
results). Indeed, the movement to investigate the 2004 election is led by
such people, because the numbers are screaming at them that something is
wrong.
And we might, no, we must, ask — with more seriousness than the media
have asked — about those exit polls, which in years past were
extraordinarily accurate but last November went haywire, predicting Kerry by
roughly the margin by which he ultimately lost to Bush. This swing is out of
the realm of random chance, forcing chagrined pollsters to hypothesize a
“shy Republican” factor as the explanation; and the media have bought this
evidence-free absurdity because it spares them the need to think about the
F-word: fraud.
And the numbers are still haywire. A few days ago, Terry Neal wrote in
the Washington Post about Bush’s inexplicably low approval rating in the
latest Gallup poll, 45 percent, vs. a 49 percent disapproval rating. This
is, by a huge margin, the worst rating at this point in a president’s second
term ever recorded by Gallup, dating back to Truman.
“What’s wrong with this picture?” asks exit polling expert Jonathan
Simon, who pointed these latest numbers out to me. Bush mustered low
approval ratings immediately before the election, surged on Election Day,
then saw his ratings plunge immediately afterward. Yet Big Media has no
curiosity about this anomaly.
Simon, who spoke at the Nashville conference — one of dozens of speakers
to give highly detailed testimony on evidence of fraud and dirty tricks from
sea to shining sea — said, “When the autopsy of our democracy is performed,
it is my belief that media silence will be given as the primary cause of
death.”
In contrast to the deathly silence of the media is the silent scream of
the numbers. The more you ponder these numbers, and all the accompanying
data, the louder that scream grows. Did the people’s choice get thwarted?
Were thousands disenfranchised by chaos in the precincts, spurious
challenges and uncounted provisional ballots? Were millions disenfranchised
by electronic voting fraud on insecure, easily hacked computers? And who is
authorized to act if this is so? Who is authorized to care?
No one, apparently, except average Americans, who want to be able to
trust the voting process again, and who want their country back.
© 2005 Robert C. Koehler
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